Jackson Family Genealogy Table of Contents Back to Allen Intro & Index
Introduction to
Reminiscences of Isaac Jackson Allen Article
This is a transcription of the article that appeared in The Ohio History, The Scholarly Journal of the Ohio Historical Society, 207-238 [Volume 73/Autumn 1964/Number 4].
The following article by John Simon provides an insight into the life of Isaac Jackson Allen. Isaac is a descendant of Job and Elizabeth (Jackson) Allen III. The article is comprised of paragraphs from a manuscript for a cousin, Mrs. Elizabeth Allen Nichols, which he called "Memoranda Genealogical and Biographical of the Allen Family", recollections of his involvement in Ohio and national politics as well as his tour as Consul.
Isaac also recalls his friendship with President Lincoln as well as his presence on the grand stand at the Gettysburg Address.
Reminiscences of Isaac Jackson Allen
Compiled and Analyzed with Notes by JOHN Y. SIMON
Page 207
Isaac Jackson Allen, prominent in Ohio a century ago, is now almost
completely forgotten. Allen began his public career in Mansfield as
mayor and judge of the court of common pleas. In 1853 he was the
unsuccessful Whig candidate for lieutenant governor. The next year he
became the president of Farmers' College, located near Cincinnati, and
ultimately was that city's superintendent of public instruction. From July
1861 to late 1864 he edited the Columbus Ohio State Journal. In 1865
Lincoln appointed him consul to Hong Kong. After leaving Hong Kong in
1869, he entered a long period of obscurity. For sixteen years he lived at
Avondale, a suburb of Cincinnati; in 1886, he moved to Morristown, New Jersey,
where he had been
In 1904, when approaching his ninetieth birthday, Isaac Allen prepared a manuscript for a cousin, Mrs. Elizabeth Allen Nichols, which he called "Memoranda Genealogical and Biographical of the Allen Family." The first quarter of the manuscript, headed "Note," contains genealogical information on the Allen family in New England and New Jersey which is available elsewhere and of no general interest. The remainder, headed "Memorandum," is Allen's autobiography, and is printed below through the courtesy of his descendants.1
Isaac Allen was descended from Scottish Covenanters who settled in
Massachusetts Bay in the seventeenth century. At the beginning of the
eighteenth century, Job Allen left Vermont to settle at Danville, New Jersey,
where he established an iron works. There the Allens lived until 1814, when Job
Allen, III, a veteran of the War of 1812, moved West with his wife and nine
children. Isaac, the youngest, was six weeks old. Job Allen and some
neighbors had already inspected Ohio; now the Allens and nine other families
packed children and household goods in sturdy "Jersey wagons" for the
forty-five day journey to Ohio. They settled near Fredericktown in Knox
County, where ultimately two townships came to be known as the "Jersey
settlement."
Beyond what is contained in the "Memorandum," little is known
of the first four decades of Isaac Allen's life. By the early 1850's he
began to seek a reputation as an orator beyond Mansfield. In the earliest
of his printed speeches, "The Relations of Christianity to Civil Polity;
Delivered Before the Literary Societies of Western Reserve College, July 9,
1851," he ob-
NOTES ARE ON
PAGES 270-271
Page 208
scured an interesting topic with doubtful history, conventional rhetoric, and a touch of bigotry.2 The speech was more a display of erudition than an intellectual endeavor, more an exposition of conventional belief than an attempt to enlarge it, and clearly indicated political ambition. Even if Allen's nomination as the Whig candidate for lieutenant governor in 1853 came as unexpectedly as he recounts, he had prepared for it.
In addition to Whigs and Democrats, a party of Free Democrats entered the campaign of 1853 to promote the abolition of slavery and prohibition of liquor. Despite his firm adherence to the Whig party, Allen agreed with the two major goals of the Free Democrats and was probably nominated to attract their support. The original Free Democratic nominee for lieutenant governor, Benjamin Bissell, declined to run; the party then nominated Goodcil Buckingham, who also withdrew.3 At this point, Allen wrote a letter to the Ashtabula Sentinel, widely reprinted, setting forth his antislavery and Maine Law convictions.4
Correctly or not, regular Democrats believed that Allen and the Free Democrats were working together.5 Democrats had nothing to fear in the gubernatorial election, but they were worried that a coalition of Whigs and Free Democrats might elect Allen as lieutenant governor. For the remainder of the campaign Allen drew the heaviest fire of the Democrats. The Ohio Statesman of Sunset Cox charged that Allen was "a loose abandoned demagogue; a man who drinks at the bar even while his Whig friends are tacking up bills for "Temperance lecture by I. J. Allen at the door of the shop where he tipples."6 In time the charge was bolstered by affidavits from those who swore that Allen once drank ale in Bucyrus.7 Although friends in Mansfield came forward to swear to his general sobriety, the damage was done.8
On Christmas Eve of 1853 Allen was offered the presidency of Farmers' College. The college was the successor of Pleasant Hill Academy founded by Freeman Cary in 1833, one year after his graduation from Miami University, where President Robert H. Bishop had advocated practical education. In 1846 the academy was elevated to Farmers' College, with ambitious plans to expand upon the public support already given the academy. But by 1853 President Cary decided that his college had become too much like other colleges, that the goals of scientific agriculture had not been met, and resigned the presidency to devote his full time to the school's experimental farm.9
Cary had designated Samuel St. John of Connecticut as his successor. When St. John declined, the presidency was offered to Allen.10 President Allen delivered his inaugural address on commencement day, June 7, 1854. Undeterred by the ominous circumstance that none of the 282 students was graduating, he announced that the college was "now fast budding into a University." In addition to serving as president, Allen was "Professor of Rhetoric, of Mental and Moral Science, and of the Institutes of Civil Law."11 Allen found spare time to serve as president of the Cincinnati Horticultural Society, deliver the major address at the opening of Gran-
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ger's Commercial College in Columbus, and make a Fourth of July address in Urbana.12 In 1856 Farmers' College reached what was to be its highest enrollment ever--330--and Isaac Alien resigned. His salary had not been increased, despite assurances from the trustees, and Freeman Cary's salary of $1,500 was $300 larger than his.13 Allen retired to a private law practice in Cincinnati, where he became superintendent of public instruction in 1859.
That Allen wrote his recollections when age had softened his memory is shown by the discussion of his connection with Francis Hurtt and the Ohio State Journal. Hurtt had previously owned the Journal in partnership with Henry D. Cooke, brother of the Philadelphia banker Jay Cooke. When Henry D. Cooke went to Washington after the Republicans had come to power in March 1861, his father wrote to Jay Cooke:
H. D.'s plan in getting [Salmon P.] Chase into the Cabinet & [John] Sherman into the Senate is accomplished, and . . . now is the time for making money, by honest contracts out of the govt. In perfecting loans--& various other agencies--the door is open to make up all your losses. If H. D. don't avail himself of the hard earned favor of the Administration, he deserves poverty.14
Francis Hurtt controlled the leading Republican newspaper in Ohio and had a close relationship with Henry Cooke; the door to prosperity was also open to him.
Allen purchased a quarter interest in the Journal from Hurtt in July 1861.15 Hurtt was to manage business matters, Allen, editorial matters, but Hurtt still controlled editorial policy.16 In order to repay the money he had borrowed to buy his share of the Journal, Allen had to draw money from the company, and for each dollar withdrawn by Allen, Hurtt took three.17 Despite the influx of government advertising and new subscribers hungry for war news, the Journal's already substantial debt did not decrease. Hurtt decided that a post as a quartermaster, with his salary earmarked for the firm, would be more profitable, and he entered government service, leaving behind S. H. Dunan as business manager.
Allen's career with the Journal began
auspiciously enough with the purchase of better printing equipment, the
publication of the first "extra" (with news of the first battle of
Bull Run), special correspondence from Kentucky and western Virginia written by
Hurtt, and the addition of
Quartermaster Hurtt had made extensive use of
his Washington connections and involved himself in dubious financial
transactions. He used his position as a quartermaster to advance the interests
of the Journal, and he used his position with the Journal to
advance his interests as a
Washington friends to secure reassignment to Cincinnati. In the spring of
1863 Hurtt began to intrigue for the reassignment of Captain John H. Dickerson,
senior quartermaster at Cincinnati, which would have put Hurtt and a
brother-in-law of Senator John Sherman in charge. General A. E. Burnside,
commander of the department of the Ohio, became suspicious of Hurtt and ordered
Major N. H. McLean to make a thorough investigation. This led to a
court-martial, but, somewhat mysteriously, the court was disbanded and Major
McLean exiled to duty at Fort Vancouver, Washington Territory. Continued
agitation in Democratic newspapers, however, led
The Hurtt case reflected unfavorably on so
many prominent men that the testimony remained sealed until the story was broken
by a Cincinnati newspaperman in 1874.20 The court-martial record had been
reviewed by President Lincoln, who wrote to Secretary of War Stanton:
I return the record in Captain Hurtt's case.
It is a dismissal from service by a sentence of a general
court-martial, and hence one in
which I could not interfere if I would; and
so far as I have been able
to look into it, one in which I ought not to
interfere. I do not perceive that there is anything affirmative for
me to do in the case.21
Lincoln's curious note ignored the testimony
which pointed to other prominent men who deserved investigation. Indeed, the
"Ohio Gang" of the Civil War era provided many an unsound precedent
for a later period. Allen was something more than a spectator of the activities
of his partner. The prosecution of the court-martial, built upon seized letters
and papers of Hurtt, proved that Hurtt had asked Allen to use his influence with
ex-Governor William Dennison to have Captain Dickerson removed from Cincinnati.
"We can well afford to pay Dennison's expenses to Washington," wrote
Hurtt. "Please telegraph me if he will go immediately."22
Although Allen could not induce Dennison to
go to Washington, he assured Hurtt that the ex-governor was sympathetic. "I
told Dennison that your position there was some advantage to us in the way of
securing advertisement patronage."23
Nor was this all. Hurtt proposed to
distribute the Journal among soldiers using army equipment. He told
Allen: "I have given Dunan a chance to make some money for the Journal by
ordering hay and horses through him." Hurtt even suggested: "If you
had a friend to speculate in forage he might make money."24
Indeed, Allen made a poor showing at the court-martial and did little during his
own cross-examination to brighten the picture.25
Hurtt had become increasingly dissatisfied
with Allen's position on the Journal. One reason was the inability of
Allen to pay his debt without drawing on the paper; another was the prospect
that Allen's interest might be purchased by John Sherman's brother-in-law, and
this could cement Hurtt's political connections. Hurtt unsuccessfully asked
Allen to sell out,
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then tried to influence Secretary Chase to offer him a more attractive
position.26 The result was four successive offers of diplomatic posts.
It was
hardly coincidental that while the Hurtt investigation was in progress, Allen
was offered a post in remote Bangkok.27 But Allen did not go abroad until the
court-martial was over and his partnership dissolved.
Perhaps the most interesting of Allen's
recollections deals with his interview with President Lincoln concerning the
appointment at Hong Kong. There is no way to substantiate its accuracy; in
focusing upon Lincoln's interest in postwar relations with the Orient it covers
matters never discussed by Lincoln elsewhere. But it does have an internal
integrity which suggests that this account, like the entire
"Memorandum," contains a remarkably clear view across the misty years,
tempered only by an understandable egotism.
For Allen never fulfilled the promise of his
early years. His various careers--legal, political, academic, journalistic, and
diplomatic--were cut short before they fully developed. Had he not recorded his
own career it would be entirely forgotten today. He was described by a neighbor
in Mansfield as "a little windy, and a kind of popinjay fellow," and
surely there was some truth in this brief dismissal of the ambitious Whig.28
If he lacked the strength for the rough game
of Ohio politics, this is hardly discreditable. Although he never reached the
heart of the major events of his day, he came close enough for a good look; this
he gives us in his "Memorandum." And he gives us something else: a
picture of a man with moral integrity, a love of erudition, and an adventurous
spirit. The recollections written so many years after the events must be read
with caution, but they can also be read with pleasure.
MEMORANDUM
In conformity with special requests by those
of our Allen family very dear to me I am induced to add here something of my own
biography. I do this the more readily as my life, having been now extended to
the latter half of my Ninetieth year, must, in the course of nature, be verging
to its close, notwithstanding that I am still in the enjoyment of perfect
health, and deem a daily walk of 3 or 4 miles a pleasant recreation.
And though
my career as herein to be set forth may not record anything of great interest or
moment, it may be of some value as a souvenir to those of my family connections,
with whom my relations have always been intimate and cordial, and our family
ties mutually cherished as of one general parentage.
Moreover, as my career in life is now behind
me, on looking back on its course, I find it so unusually varied, as to public
positions held, by circumstances altogether unforeseen and utterly
unanticipated, that I am impressed with the great truth that though "man
deviseth his way, the Lord directeth his steps."
Born on the 21st day of January, 1814, on the
old "Job Allen Farm" at Danville, Morris County, New Jersey, I was but
6 weeks old when my
Page 212
father with his family started on the long journey to his new home and
farm near to Fredericktown, in Knox County, Ohio. And when we had reached there
I was 3 months old.
I state this, not as of my own personal
knowledge and recollection, but from information of others, chiefly from my
mother; who would be good authority, as she had the care of me during that
tedious and toilsome journey in our covered-wagon across the Allegheny Mountains
to the then far-away West.
Our farm was considerably improved when
bought; but my father added many fields by additional clearings of the forest.
Our dwelling house was of logs; but roomy and comfortable.
My infancy, childhood, and early youth were
spent on that farm, at first with the great forest adjacent. I well remember, in
my childhood, of hearing the night howlings of wolves, and the occasional
screams of panthers, in the neighboring depths of the forest.
I also distinctly recollect frequent visits
of the Wyandotte Indians, in great numbers, at our house, to exchange venison
and wild cranberries for cornmeal and pickled pork. They were entirely amiable
and friendly. Many times have I gone to their camp and run foot-races, and
wrestled, and shot with bows-and-arrows, with Indian boys of my age.
I mention
this to show
The near-by village of Fredericktown, the trading centre for the
"Jersey Settlement," so called, was early distinguished for its good
schools, for those days. I cannot remember when I first went to school.
Nor can
I remember any time in my life when I could not read any English book.
I do,
however, well remember the surprise I caused the teacher whom my father had
employed to keep a kind of Kindergarten in summer time for us 'kids' in a
tenant-house he had built on our farm. There was no system of schoolbooks then.
Each child brought whatever the sparse family library afforded, from primers to bibles.
At school-opening each pupil was examined
as to his literary attainments in order to form the classes. When I was called
to the teacher's knee and inquiry was made as to what book I had brought, I
handed her my "English Reader," a book much in use then, and
consisting of selections from Addison and others of the best British authors.
She looked at me, a little chub of [a] chap, laughed, and said, "Can you
read in this?" "Yes Mam." Opening it somewhere, she handed it to
me and told me to read there. I read it off fluently, not thinking it any very
remarkable literary performance. Then came her look of surprise that
My parents were particularly thoughtful for
the education of us children so far as means of education were then available.
At one time, however, when our village school was not very high-toned, the
teacher admitting that he had never studied grammar, my father sent me to school
at Mt. Vernon, where I was boarded in the family of the teacher, quite a
scholarly man. I was there, I think, about 2 years, and was well advanced in all
common school studies.
Then, considering my education as finished,
my father recalled me to the work of the farm. But the education thus acquired,
though good, instead
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of seeming to me to [be] finished, served to excite a desire to obtain
more. At Mt. Vernon I had become acquainted with some boys who were students of
Kenyon College, only 5 miles distant. From this sprang up a longing to go to
college.
I timidly mentioned this to my father.
He
would not hear to it; and for two reasons--he could not afford it, and he could
not spare me from assistance on the farm. My elder brothers being now grown and
gone for themselves, and I the youngest, he did indeed need me. Besides, he
thought it a foolish, boyish whim.
But the longing to go to college would not
down at his bidding. I pondered over it as I ploughed; I thought it over as I
hoed; it went with me as I foddered the sheep, and rode the horses to water.
I
finally mentioned the matter to my mother. She was sympathetic, wished it might
be, but couldn't see how it could be; and counseled me to be content as I was.
At that time the country was in one of those frequent financial throes
that demoralized business. Banks failed everywhere.
Money good today, good for
nothing tomorrow. My father had plenty of everything but money
-- money there was
none.
I had learned to play the flute, and was
accounted a good performer.
Commencement
time at Kenyon College, only 12 miles distant, had come; the public exercises
were announced. A band of music was desired. There were no professionals.
Among
the students and some others an amateur band was improvised. I was wanted to
play the piccolo flute. All went off well. I was charmed with the exercises,
with the scholarship of the graduating class, the Latin, Greek, and fine English
orations. That was in June.
Then
and there I determined to go to college at the beginning of the next fall term.
I said nothing about it then.
When autumn came I told my father of my
determination. He scouted it as foolish. And it was.
But I was none the
less determined. I told my mother. She was sorry; but couldn't help me.
Finally, on an occasion when father was to be
from home for several days at court serving as a juryman, with my mother's help,
giving me bed-clothes and things, I packed up my personal belongings for
departure. My mother gave me two dollars, all she had: and with that
amount of capital, and with her kisses and blessings; I left home: in fact, I ran
away from home to go to college! My mother had assented; because, as
she said, it would be of no use to prevent it. My father had not consented; but
he had not actually forbidden it.
Arrived at the College, I went at once to the
President; found him at a meeting of the College Faculty; told them who I was,
what I wanted, and why I had come, -- explained to them frankly the situation.
They received me kindly, questioned me as to my advancement in studies, gave me
encouragement, and promised such assistance as might be in their power.
Never was poor boy received and treated more kindly!
The College session was about to open.
My
name was placed on the College Roll, and I was duly matriculated. I had a room
assigned in one of the College buildings, and I gathered my belongings therein.
Lacking a bedstead, that night I slept on the floor. And that night I was verily
homesick! I had been used to feather-beds!
Consequently I was homesick! I was never homesick before--nor since: and never want to be!
Once is
enough!!
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The next morning I attended for the
assignment of studies, of course, in the Preparatory Department; for, as yet, I
knew not a word of Latin or Greek. On examination my preparatory studies were
found sufficient in English branches for the Freshman Class; so I had no special
need to spend time on them. I at once commenced the course in Latin, Greek, and
Algebra.
I procured text-books from the College Library, kept for that purpose.
At that time the students were all boarded in
"College Commons," under a superintendent in charge, and were charged
only actual cost, about $3 per week. The College property embraced about 8000
acres of fine lands as an endorsement; some of it in farms, much then in
forest. The situation of the College and its various buildings is one of the
most beautiful in the United States. Around the main College building, an
imposing Gothic structure of stone, there was a large area of ground intended
for a Park; but was, as yet, in its native forest growth.
The College authorities gave to those of the
students desiring it the privilege of working to clear up that area of its
undergrowth and superfluous timber trees, allowing payment on College expense
account at so much an hour, working only out of study hours; thus
affording both healthful exercise and profit.
I was handy with the axe and other tools for
such work; and gladly availed myself of this work as a means of paying board
expenses and other minor charges. Many others, thirty or forty, I think, did the
same, some for exercise and amusement, others for the profit. Many an afternoon,
My studies delighted me. I loved the
'Languages'; and have, I think, a natural aptitude in acquiring them.
I was
diligent and attentive; never missed a recitation. At the end of the autumn
session, at Christmas, the President sent for me. I went with trepidation.
I
feared he was going to
dismiss me. He greeted me kindly. Told me that my Professors had reported
that I had made such progress that by taking some extra studies I could be
fitted for the next Freshman Class at the ensueing [sic] autumn
examination. This, as he told me, would shorten my College course by one
year, and thus save me both time and money; but, as he said, I would need to
study hard to do it; as it usually required two years study to complete
the preparatory course. I eagerly embraced his kindly suggestion, thanked him
heartily, and departed, a happy boy!
I immediately took up the extra studies.
Then
the 'Fellows,' there were about 400 of us, laughed at me for a 'flam' trying to
enter 'Fresh' in one year! I couldn't "laugh back," because I
might fail. But I would try it, anyway; if successful--then it would be my turn
to laugh. I did try. I tried hard.
My professors encouraged me--one in
particular, Professor Finch: I shall never forget his kind words!29
The session passed: the autumn examination
for the 'Freshman' came on. Of the 52 candidates 48 were admitted; and out of
the 48 I stood second: the one who ranked me had been two years in
the 'Preparatory.' To maintain my class rank in the Freshman year I studied
hard; a little too hard, it seemed. For, towards the close of the year my
health failed. One morning I fainted in the recitation room at class.
I knew no
more till
Page 215
I found myself in bed in my own room, the College physician sitting
beside me. My breathing was labored, my chest pained me, my voice was gone, only
a hoarse, raucous whisper remained. The Doctor wrote a note, told me to take
that to the President--then the excellent Bishop McIlvain--as soon as I
was able. In the course of the day, having recovered, I did so.
The good Bishop expressed anxiety, almost alarm, on hearing my raucous
speech; and told me I must go home and take a rest. He had not been the
President when I first came to the College. So, now I had to tell him that I had
no home: that I was a run-away boy--had run-away from home to
go to College. Then, in answer to his further inquiries I told him all
about it. The dear, good Bishop smiled kindly as my story was told, told me to
sit still a minute, he thought he could fix matters for me. He thereupon turned
to his table and wrote quite a lengthy note, sealed it, and giving it to me,
said--"There, give that to your father, mount one of his horses, and don't
leave his back till you get well. Then return to your class."
I had been then nearly two years from home,
only 12 miles distant, and had had no word from my father,--and yet I knew he
was one of the best fathers any boy ever had, and that he was affectionately
fond of me, as his youngest son.
And I really blamed myself for thus leaving
him alone on his farm in his now advancing years. But, somehow, I couldn't
help going. However, as the
Bishop had directed, I went home. I had to walk, had no money; snow on the
ground, soft, and mushy. That 12 mile walk was a hard one!
Never
forgotten!
But I didn't go directly home. I went to my
brother William's, who lived on his own place near by. He and his good wife soon
made me comfortable. He went that evening to father's and told him that I was at
his home. My father told him to tell me to come home.
I went home. Father seemed
glad to see me. Spoke not a word of reproof. Mother, seeing my condition got me
dry stockings, got me an excellent supper--She knew what I liked!--then gave me
something for my hoarseness--hoarhound tea and maple-sugar, I guess!
Sitting all quietly by the fireside after
supper, finally my father broke the silence by asking me how I got along at
College--rather jokingly, as I perceived. He thought I had got cured of my
foolish freak, and had come home to stay. I told him I had done pretty well; and
added--"I have a letter for you, father, from the Bishop"; and gave it
him. Adjusting his spectacles, he
opened it, and read it silently. Not a word was spoken by any one.
I never knew
what was in that letter. I only know that in reading it father's spectacles
became dim--and he coughed some!
Then, rising, he went and put the letter away
in the deep bottom of the eight-day grandfather's clock, where he kept his
private papers. Then he came and sat down again, remained silent, as in thought.
Finally, he inquired how I had managed to pay for what I had had.
I told him all
about clearing the woods, and so on. He laughed, but rather sadly.
No more was
said.
The next morning being fine; I told my father
what the Bishop had said about the horseback performance. He said, "Well,
Isaac, yonder in the field is a four-year-old that has never been bridled.
Go
with Henry (the hired man), catch him, bridle him, and ride as much as you
please."
Page 216
It was done. I did ride!
He was a fine
animal. I trained him well, riding many miles daily.
The Bishop's remedy proved
good. The chest-pain in breathing disappeared gradually, my voice returned; in
two weeks I was well again.
I then announced my purpose of return to the
College so as to keep up with my class. My father then, seeing that I was incorrigible
and irreclaimable, consented to my going; and privately told me he
would take measures to assist me. And he did.
Thereafter, I had not much
difficulty; though I spent all my Summer vacations at home, assisting in the
harvest work on the farm. And so, in due time I received my Degree as "Master
of Arts" from Kenyon College, the Diploma for which I have yet, and well
preserved.30
On leaving College it was deemed advisable that I should have a period of rest and recuperation. My brother James was then married and living in New Jersey. He wrote requesting me to visit him. It accorded with my wishes. I arranged to go; and, as a measure of health, decided to make the journey on horseback. Father furnished me a fine horse and all needful equipments; and I so made the journey--full 500 miles. It was June: I traveled rather leisurely, avoiding the heat of mid-day hours. I have made the transit many times since by steam-power on rail and water, but never one more agreeable to myself. I remained in the East till the following autumn.31
Returning to Ohio, I took thought of some
business career. My inclination was for the Law. My dear, good mother, a devoted
Christian woman, earnestly protested against this; for the reason that lawyers
were necessarily wicked, and therefore certain victims of the 'Evil
One'! Probably she was right!--at least, half-right!
Her
special desire was to make a preacher of me. But, as I was a trifle too wild and
wayward for that staid and solemn profession, she concluded to compromise with
the Evil One by making a doctor of me.
I yielded to this at her urgent solicitation; and entered upon the study of
Medicine. I was pleased with the study of the Natural Sciences pertaining to
that profession--anatomy, chemistry, physiology, and incidentally, also,
psychology. But, the bedside practice was revolting to me.
I, however, pursued
the study to regular graduation.
I then turned to my first choice, and
commenced the study of the Law under Hon. Henry B. Curtis, an eminent
lawyer of Mt. Vernon, Ohio.32 To meet my expenses while engaged in this study, I
obtained position as Recording Deputy in the office of the Clerk of the Courts,
under Isaac Hadley; rendering service about 3 hours daily and during
Court terms, for my board in his family. He and his family were excellent
people, and made me as one of themselves. This service in the Office of the
Courts was of substantial benefit to me in my professional pursuits.
It made the
practical machinery of the Courts familiar to me even before I commenced
professional practice.
I retained this position during the two years
of my law studies, when I was admitted to the Bar of the Ohio State Courts, and
soon afterwards to the Bar of the United States Courts; to the latter of which
the oath was administered to me by Judge John McLean, of the Supreme
Court of the United States, in 1841.
Page 217
On my admission to the Bar, my law Preceptor,
H. B. Curtis, proposed a partnership in Law practice; I to take charge of a
Branch office at Mansfield, Richland County adjoining, for which he furnished a
well selected Law library. Thus equipped, I began my Law practice in 1842.
This
Law partnership continued for 5 years, the term of its original limitation.
While in New Jersey, as before mentioned, I
had met and made the acquaintance of a young lady of 16, who was, to my notion,
exactly what a young lady should be; and, somehow, she came to about the same
conclusion, from her point of view, as to me. And we had mutually concluded to
harmonize our respective views by means of matrimony, at such future time as
circumstances would warrant. So, now, having commenced my business life, I went
to New Jersey, in pursuance to said arrangement and was married to Susan, daughter
of Judge Peter P. Brown, proprietor of Newfoundland, New Jersey, on the 11th
day of August, 1841.
Our married life continued most happily for a
little more than 60 years; until the 19th of November, 1901; when death
bereaved me of her, at the age of 80 1/2 years. Since then my life has been lonely!
In entering upon professional life, I,
fortunately, did not have to wait for clients. Mr. Curtis placed his pending
cases in that county in my hands. Thereby I had at once a standing at the Bar of
that and the adjoining counties; and so continued to have.
I soon discovered the auxiliary [sic] advantage
of my previous Medical education in my law practice; as many cases involving
Medico-legal questions, from that circumstance, came to my hands; especially in
Criminal Law.
And, by reason of this, only about two years
after commencing my law practice, I was unexpectedly invited to the Chair of
Medical Jurisprudence in the "University of Lake Erie," near
Cleveland, Ohio.33 As the duties of that Professorship required my attendance
for the Lectures of my course but about two months of the winter season, I
accepted.
I held that Professorship five years; then
resigned because of the demands of my increasing law business. I have reason to
conclude that my lectures in that department of the Law were not unsuccessful;
as I had meanwhile received invitations to the same Chair in the Medical
Colleges at Baltimore, and at Worcester, Massachusetts; but which I must needs
decline because of my law business at home. I was also written to by Professor
Armour, when holding the same Chair in the Michigan University, at Ann Arbor,
requesting my Lectures for his use in the Institutution. I was obliged to reply,
that, as my lectures had never been written, but delivered from mere
skeleton notes, I could not comply.
During the memorable political campaign of
1840, while yet a student-at-law, through the urgings of Hon. Columbus
Delano, a distinguished lawyer, afterwards Member of Congress, and a member
of President Grant's Cabinet, I had appeared with him "on the stump"
in Knox and the neighboring counties; and so became early known to the public
and among politicians. Our county of Richland being strongly democratic, (3,000
majority), and I of the opposite party, I, of course, entertained no aspirations
for political promotion; nor did I desire any--my business was just business.
I was, however, somewhat active in the political cam-
Page 218
paigns. I was frequently nominated for office by my party,--and always
beat my own ticket--once for State's Attorney, and twice for Senator.
I
was, however, elected Mayor of Mansfield--and without my knowing it,--during my
absence on business in the court of another county,--was informed of it on my
return home. I served one term, and declined reelection.
By selection of the Bar and by appointment I
served one court term as Judge of the Court of Common Pleas. And
during that term there was tried before me as the Judge the memorable murder
case for the killing of a man named Hall. Of this case, as exemplifying the
extraordinary features of circumstantial evidence in such cases, I have
made a full and exact record left among my papers, under the title of "The
Story of a Crime." There is nothing stranger in any work of fiction
than were the facts in that very remarkable case as shown in the trial.
The period from 1850 to 1860 was one of
continual excitement in political circles throughout the entire country.
The annexation of Texas, the consequent war
with Mexico, the repeal [of] the law known as the "Missouri Compromise
Act," whereby the extension of negro slavery into northern territory became
permissible, which led to the outbreak of civil war in Kansas--then a territory:
all these events had profoundly stirred the political elements of the country.
Whig and Democratic were the leading political parties. The Republican party was
yet unborn.
In 1852 Franklin Pierce had been elected
President, and with him a democratic majority in Congress. The South was
rallying for the extension of Slavery into the new territories; and the
Democrats followed the lead of the South. The Whigs mainly opposed Slavery
extension into free territories; but were greatly divided by factions; some of
the older leaders joined with the democrats. This led to the formation of a
third party of considerable strength known as the Anti-Slavery "Free Soil
Party"; composed mainly of dissatisfied Whigs, with many Democrats of the
North, also dissatisfied because of the Slavery extension question.
I was of the Whig party, but allied with that
section known as "Anti-Slavery Whigs"--that is, opposed to
slavery extension into Free Territory.
In
1853 a Whig Convention for nominating State Officers from Governor, down, was
held at Columbus, the State Capitol. I had been appointed a delegate from our
County; but, oweing [sic] to business in the courts of Morrow County,
then in session, I did not intend to be at the State Convention. But a violent
rain storm prevented my leaving the railway train to reach the town, some two
miles from the station; and I was carried on to Columbus, intending to return to
the court by an early morning train. On that day the Convention was to assemble.
At Columbus I found that most of the
Delegates had arrived. During the evening I mingled generally among the
Delegates with whom much miscellaneous consultation was going on, as usual.
Knowing that I must be in court the next day, I left the crowd and went to bed
at about ten o'clock. About 2 O'clock I was aroused by thunderous poundings and
kickings at my room door; and voices calling my name and demanding to be let in.
I asked who was there?--and what they wanted? They replied that they "had
news for me." Thinking it some rowdy trick of the
Page 219
jolly boys some of whose voices I had come to recognize, I
said--"No, you don't!" and told them to "be gone with their
nonsense, and to go to bed and get sober." But they persisted; and a voice
said--"No, Allen; it's no nonsense. Open the door."
I recognized the voice as that of Gen'l.
Gibson, a warm personal friend. Thereupon I rose, dressed, and opened the door.
A crowd, led by Gen'l. Gibson, rushed in, cheering, and hurrahing; and announced
that a preliminary caucus of the Delegates had just nominated me for Lieutenant
Governor
of Ohio. Still thinking it all a frolicsome joke, I said to them--
"Oh clear out, boys, with your noise and nonsense!" But Gibson
replied--"Yes, noise; but no nonsense."
It was a fact. Of course I was surprised.
I
had not even thought of such a thing. The next day, when the Convention was
assembled, they unanimously confirmed my nomination as Lieut. Governor on the
State ticket. And, on being called for, I made a speech before the Convention,
accepting their nomination.34 Meanwhile I had telegraphed Judge Stewart to hold
my cases open till my return from Columbus. He did.
Hon. Nelson Barrere, then a
member of Congress, was nominated for Governor. He was of the old school, a
"pro-slavery Whig"--so called. I was well known to be an
"Anti-Slavery Whig"--that is, opposed to Slavery extension; then
the great political issue.
The Whig party, of which Henry Clay and
Theodore Frelinghuysen had been the great exponents, with Daniel Webster and
John J. Crittenden, had become divided in sentiment, rent by factions, and
materially weakened by the withdrawal of large numbers to the "Free Soil
party," chiefly on account of the Slavery question, which was becoming
acute. And that party also had a full State ticket in the field.
Of course under
such lack of unanimity the success of our ticket was not at all promising.
It
was also well known that the "Free Soil" ticket could not succeed.
Knowing this, and my anti-slavery extension
sentiments being well known from my many public speeches and writings, Mr.
Joseph Medill, the late distinguished editor and proprietor of the Chicago
Tribune, but then publishing a "Free Soil" paper at Cleveland,
Ohio, came to see me at Mansfield. We had a long and friendly conference on the
political situation and on the leading questions at issue.
He expressed a hearty concurrence in my
views, as harmonizing, substantially, with his own from the "Free
Soil" point of view, left me and went home,--saying that he would report my
views to his "Free Soil" friends.
Soon afterwards, I received a letter from
him; in which he alluded to the subject matter of our previous conference.
He
also said, that while the "Free Soilers" knew that they could not
elect their ticket, they wanted to defeat Barrere, our nominee for Governor,
they did not want to defeat me. And he then indicated that if I
would decline the nomination of the Columbus Convention with Barrere, [that]
Samuel
Lewis, the "Free Soil" nominee for Governor would withdraw from their
ticket, and they would there-upon nominate me for Governor; and by the
union of the Anti-Slavery Whigs and the "Free Soilers," I could be
elected. And the result of the election showed that this opinion was correct:
for the combined vote of these two parties was largely in the majority
over the Democratic opposi-
Page 220
tion
vote; though the latter was elected by a minority of the whole vote.
To Medill's suggestion, however, I was
compelled to reply, that, though in hearty accord with the "Free Soilers"
on the question of Slavery extension over soil now free, I had, by my speech
before the Columbus Convention, virtually accepted that nomination; and that now
to decline it and accept another for a higher position as Governor, would be
deemed dishonorable on my part; and I must therefore decline his proposition,
even though my election might thereby be assured.
Writing in this confidential way, in the same
letter to Medill, of June 6th, 1853, I went further, writing somewhat at large
on the general political outlook: saying to him, that, as parties then stood, I
had no expectation of the success of our ticket: that the Whig party was
evidently in process of disintegration: that its factions and divisions must
result in its dissolution, and preclude its continued existence as a political
organization.
But, that, in view of the new national issues
thrust forward, a new political organization must of necessity arise that would
more successfully harmonize and combine the anti-slavery elements of the Nation:
and said to him, that such new party organization should discard the name of
'Whig'--which was really meaningless--and organize under a new and more
appropriate name. And, as our opponents had monopolized the name of 'Democrat'
and 'Democracy', I would suggest that the new political organization should take
the appropriate and significant name of "REPUBLICAN." That was June 6,
1853.
And I think that was the first time the name
of "Republican" was ever publicly mentioned as for the great political
party that now [bears] and has long borne that title.
Medill published my letter with this announcement of the name; and
answered me, warmly commending my views and suggestion as to the party name.
I
have his letters now, with copy of my own. I preserve
them carefully as mementoes of the fact of my being the first to announce
that party name, for my family's information, and, as proof of the fact for
THEIR use.
The published announcement of that name in
Medill's Cleveland paper of that date attracted immediate attention everywhere.
It was speedily acted upon by political organizers in various States.
At that election of 1853 our ticket was
defeated; but by a very significant vote. For, while Barrere as head of the
ticket was defeated by over 30,000, I was defeated by about 2,700. On the
morning after the election it was supposed, and our opponents conceded, that I
was elected; as many "Free Soilers" had come to me.
But the final
count defeated me.
But, though defeated, that vote was a party
triumph, and settled the question of a new party organization. It showed the
decided trend of public sentiment. It was the knell of doom to the old, expiring
Whig party. 'Young America' had
come to the front. The venerable political 'pro-slavery' "moss-backs"
were relegated to the rear. The Republican Party was there and then born!
At the
very next Gubernatorial election in Ohio, (1855) the Official Call was for a
"Republican Convention." At that Convention Salmon P. Chase was
nominated for Governor, and was elected on the "Republican" ticket.
And only 5 years later, 1860, Abraham Lincoln was elected as the first
Republican President of the United States!
Page 221
Whatever merit there may be in thus for the
first time proposing that name for the organization of the Republican party, I
think I may fairly claim that honor. And that I would esteem more highly than to
have been elected Lieutenant Governor of Ohio!
I have thus mentioned all this somewhat in
detail for the reason that, though relating to my own biography, it in some
measure pertains to our general political history.
Shortly after that political campaign in
Ohio, I received a letter offering me the Presidency of a College at Cincinnati.
The offer was a surprise to me. I took it under consideration.
I visited the
Institution, and consulted friends; among them, Rollin C. Hurd, then Judge of
Common Pleas Court, who had been an intimate friend and class-mate with me at
College.
After some reflection as to expediency, he
assured me of my fitness for the place, and of its fitness for me, because of my
literary tastes. I finally accepted.
I, of course, removed with my family from
Mansfield to Cincinnati; and joined the College classes at the fall session of
1854; having been in professional law service 13 years at Mansfield.
At my suggestion and under the earnest
sanction of Judge McLean of the Supreme Court of the United States, Chairman of
the Board of College Trustees, there was added to the usual scientific branches
of tuition, incident to my position as President of the College, the
Professorship of "The Institutes of Civil Law"; conducted by lectures
before the Senior and Junior
classes; having in view instruction in the law of business and general
citizenship.
I also volunteered a course of weekly
lectures on our "English Classical Literature," before the same
college classes.
These lectures soon became popular; so that
many persons not of the College, at their own request, became attendants; so
that my lecture room was usually crowded by intellectual people, many of them
ladies. I remained in the Presidency 4 years. When I went there, the College
catalogue of the preceding year showed an enrollment of a little less than one
hundred; the catalogue of the last year of my Presidency showed an enrollment of
over four hundred students.35 I therefore conclude that my administration was
successful.
When I accepted the Presidency the salary was
admitted to be small. But I was assured that in a year or two it would be
increased. At the end of 4 years it had not been increased.
And, because of its
inadequacy, I felt compelled to resign, in order to make better provision of my
family, now consisting of wife and 3 children. I did so against the
remonstrances of the Board of Trustees.
At that time, Lorin Andrews, a warm personal
friend and former College-mate of mine, learning of my resignation as above, and
he being then the President of Kenyon College, our Alma Mater, came to
Cincinnati to see me, and proposed that I join him in the Faculty of Kenyon
College in the "Professorship of Law and English Classic Literature."
I liked Andrews, I liked Kenyon, and I particularly liked that Professorship;
and told him so. But the salary attached to the Professorship was but a slight
improvement on what I had just resigned. I was therefore compelled to decline
acceptance.
Page 222
I then removed from the College into the
city, and went again into Law Practice. In connection therewith [I] held
position as Lecturer on Commercial Law in a Commercial College. This was in the
autumn. The morning after the next spring election for city officers, on
perusing the newspaper, I was surprised to find it announced that on the day
previous the people of our Ward had elected me as their member of the City
School Board. I had not even been to the election.
I accepted and served; and
was unanimously elected to a second term. The Cincinnati School Board was
composed of some of its best and most substantial citizens.
At the organization of the Board at my second
term I was made the vice-president. Hon. Rufus King, another of my College mates
at Kenyon, now an eminent lawyer, was the President.
Soon afterwards, Mr. King's health failing,
he went to spend the winter in Cuba for recuperation; whereupon I became
President of the Board during my second term as member.
Near the close of that term, the management
of the City Superintendent proving unsatisfactory, he was removed. At a meeting
of the Board at which I presided, a member proposed to make me City
Superintendent. I declined to accept the nomination.
I was then requested by the
Board to hold the matter under advisement for a week until the next meeting of
the Board. To this I, of course, assented.
During the interval I received numerous
letters and messages from prominent citizens, among them Judge Bellamy Storer,
and others, urging my acceptance. These influenced me.
At the next meeting I
signified my acceptance, provided I could be allowed to retain my position as
Lecturer on Commercial Law. This was readily granted.
Thereupon the Board
immediately increased the salary by the addition of $500 to the previous amount,
and then unanimously elected me the City Superintendent.36
I served in that
office for 3 years, and with general public approval.
Meanwhile the Civil War had broken out.
Many
citizens of Cincinnati volunteered at the President's call for troops.
Some of
them left families without adequate means of support. A public meeting was
called to take measures for the relief of all such. A general Committee of
citizens was constituted to receive the needed funds, and to care for the needy
families of soldiers in the field. I was appointed on that Committee, and with
the others made it our daily business to receive reports and seek out and
provide all needful relief for such families; for which the contributors were
prompt and abundant. By this means not a family was left destitute.
Four years before this, in one of his letters
to which I have referred, Mr. Joseph Medill had said to me, "I wish to God
you were the editor of the Ohio State Journal!" This had long been the
principal central political organ of the State of the Whig party; but its
editorial weakness had caused its decline in a marked degree: hence Medill's
remark as above quoted.
And, strangely enough, there now came to me a
Mr. Hurtt, an experienced newspaper man, and proposed a joint interest with him
in the purchase of the "Ohio State Journal," on which he had an
option,--he to have charge of the business department; I to have charge of the
Editorial department. After some negotiation the arrangement was concluded.
The
paper had become greatly run down. William Dean Howells, who has since
Page 223
gained some notoriety as a writer of novels, had been the editor.
Because
of its enfeebled condition under his hands, the concern was not paying expenses.
It was consequently bought at a very low price. Our aim and hope were to make it
profitable by making it better. And we succeeded.
Under this arrangement I moved
my family from Cincinnati to Columbus, the state Capitol. I at once took
editorial charge, dismissing Mr. Howells and his Assistant Editor--determined to
do the work myself.37
The civil war was in progress. The demand for
news was incessant. Our working and reportorial force was reorganized; our army
correspondence was increased. We found ourselves compelled to buy a new press
and a new "dress" for the paper--the old ones were absolutely worn
out. For that we had to incur considerable debt. But we enlarged the paper, cut
off various supernumeraries, and lived economically.
I found editorial work congeneal [sic], and
worked hard--had no Assistant! The paper as a business concern revived.
At the
end of the first year we had paid its debts; but had no surplus. At the end of
the second year we were out of debt, and about $2,000 ahead, net; at the end of
the 3rd year we cleared up $7,000.
I then felt that I had come into what was
congeneal [sic] to me and for which I had found myself fitted, as shown by 3 years of
success, and against adverse circumstances; and into what I now intended as my
life-long pursuit.
A year or so before this, Mr. Hurtt had
expressed to me a great desire to enter the army with a commission in the
Quarter Master's Department. I
objected, because of the need of him in the business department, to which I
could give no special attention. He pressed the matter again, and offered to
furnish a competent substitute in the business office, and would pay him himself
out of his own army salary. Under this arrangement, I assented; as thereby I had
no personal interest in his outside army affairs. I knew him to be a sharp,
shrewd business man, and his being a church member and devout, gave me assurance
of his capacity to be of service in the army.
He got his Commission and was made a Quarter
Master, ranking as Captain. Months passed on. His business substitute was
diligent and efficient. I was pushing the editorial work vigorously on, and all
was proceeding favorably as to the "Journal."
Finally, there came a newspaper announcement
that Captain Hurtt had been arrested for embezzlement or misappropriation of
public funds in the Quarter Master's Department, and was ordered for trial by
Court Martial.
I could not credit it; only as it might be
some mistake, soon to be corrected. He wrote me, saying "it was all
moonshine, and would amount to nothing."
He was duly tried, found guilty, sentenced to be dishonorably dismissed
from the army, pay a fine of $500, and suffer one year's imprisonment.
This was a thunderstroke to me, and to the
"Ohio State Journal". All that had been gained was now lost!
I had
really built up the "Journal," only to see it fall,--and through no
fault of mine!
Hurtt, however, hastened on to Washington;
and through some influence there-I know not what nor how--he had the
imprisonment remitted, paid his $500 fine, and came home a free man.
Page 224
Meanwhile I had endured great anxiety. I well knew that no public journal could survive under such an incubus of criminal disgrace in one of its proprietors. And, though entirely outside of any affair of mine, its disastrous effect must react on me and my interest in the "Journal."
Besides, I could not get my own consent to continue in partnership with one so dishonored and disgraced.
On his return to Columbus, he came immediately to me at my home, with roseate plans for the improvement and enlargement of the "Journal." I heard them, commended them, and then said--"But it must needs be done without me: our partnership must be considered as dissolved."
He was shocked; sank into a chair as one about to faint, ghastly white. I really thought the man had not before fully realized the enormity of his own disgrace; had looked upon it merely as temporary annoyance. Presently, he remonstrated, argued: said it would soon blow over and be forgotten. I replied--"No: records are imperishable!"
Two days afterwards we settled upon the terms of dissolution: he bought my interest in the 'Journal' on the agreed basis of a four-fold increase of valuation above the cost of purchase. I took my books and private papers, went home, and never saw the Journal office again.38
Page 225
Of course all my cherished business plans and
prospects and contemplated life-pursuits were thwarted, overthrown--through no
fault of mine. But, disastrous though it was, I could not remain associated with
disgrace and crime. I never knew an Allen that would!
While thus situated, my law-business
interrupted, gone; with no employment in hand, there came one morning, a few
days after the partnership dissolution, a book package by mail bearing the stamp
of "State Department." Thinking it "Public Documents," such
as were often received, I took it home unopened, and laid it aside, and forgot
it. A few days afterwards, calling it to mind, I hunted it up, opened it, and
found therein my appointment as United States Consul at Hong Kong, China, with
the "Consuls' Manual of Instructions." I confess my surprise.
I had
not asked for it. And I may here remark, that, whatever of public positions I
may have filled or been nominated for, I never asked or sought for one.
Previous to this one Mr. Lincoln had
proffered me three other appointments in the foreign service of the
Government,--one at St. Johns, one at Demerara, and one as Minister to Siam; all
which preferring my editorial position at home, I had declined to accept. And
now had come the 4th one, to China.
I first knew Mr. Lincoln personally in 1859,
when he came to speak in Cincinnati; and then but slightly. I had been active
for him in convention and "on the stump" in his first Presidential
campaign of 1860. I again greeted him at the Burnett [sic] House, Cincinnati, as
did a thousand others, when, in February, 1861, he was en route for Washington
City, to be inaugurated as President of the United States.
I did not meet him again till the autumn of
1863, on the occasion of the Public Dedication of the National Cemetery on the
battle field at Gettysburgh [sic]. To this Dedication the Governors of all the
loyal States had been specially invited. As I then held no official position, I
was not intending to go. Learning of this, Governor David Tod, of Ohio, invited
me to join him as a member of his Staff, pro tempore; to this I assented, as
that would give me the privilege of seat on the platform at Gettysburgh.
When there, I was seated near Mr. Lincoln,
with whom were seated members of his Cabinet.
The day was beautiful, and the throng of
people was immense. The occasion throughout was marked by appropriate solemnity.
The great battle --one of the greatest known to human history--and the victory
for the Union won, on the 3rd and 4th of July preceding!
Hon. Edward Everett, the distinguished
scholar and speaker of New England, was the Orator of the Day.
He delivered his
Address from manuscript. We had listened to the polished address of Mr. Everett,
before the assembled thousands, for an hour, or more. But not a stir of
sympathetic emotion had been manifested in his audience during its delivery;
though listened to in respectful, thoughtful silence.
At its conclusion, the band played a solemn
dirge.
Then President Lincoln rose to deliver the
Address of Dedication; advanced to the reading desk, put on his steel-rimmed
spectacles, took from his vest pocket a thin slip of paper, laid it before him,
glanced at it a moment; then, as if not able to see its writing very well, he
crumpled it in his hand, returned it to his vest pocket, removed his spectacles,
and
Page 226
proceeded to deliver that ever-memorable Dedicatory Address that has
become a classic in our American literature, and which of itself would render
the name of Abraham Lincoln immortal!
He spoke but seven minutes. But, before he
had spoken five minutes that whole assembled multitude were sobbing, and
sympathetic tears were dimming all eyes. Lincoln's simple eloquence of heart in
speaking of our heroic dead had touched the responsive cords [of] feeling, that
Everett's finished oratory had failed to reach.39
After the exercises of the day, and an
evening address in one of the city churches by Hon. Charles Anderson, then
Lieutenant Governor of Ohio, we had some hours to wait at Hanover Junction for
our homeward trains.40
The time was passed in easy conversation, as
we gathered in group around Mr. Lincoln, in which Secretary Seward, Simon
Cameron, Senator Florence of Pennsylvania, and others joined, telling many
amusing and interesting incidents of the war.41 I was seated very near to Mr.
Lincoln, who was suffering from a grievous headache from sitting with head bared
in the hot sun during the exercises of the day. Resting his elbow on the arm of
his chair, he leaned his head on his hand, listened and smiled at the quaint
sayings of those around him, but joined sparingly in their conversation.
The
trains came to the Junction at Midnight. The President and his party departed
for Washington, we for the West.
During our return journey to Ohio I happened
to occupy a car-seat with Governor Oliver P. Morton, commonly known as "the
Great War-Governor of Indiana." With him I had much conversation relating
to a treasonable organization known as "Knights of the Golden Circle,"
secretly operating in his State in favor of the rebellion; with which Governor
Morton had had much to do, and had succeeded in discovering and revealing their
plots, and in breaking up their organization.
Knowing that everything pertaining to Mr.
Lincoln and his peculiar character and wonderful career has become of general
interest to all Americans, I have been prompted to record these circumstances
and incidents as from my personal observation relating to him, for the perusal
and information of those of my own family who are to come after me. And for the
same purpose I have deemed it proper to proceed to record more minutely the
incidents attending my last personal interview with that Great Man, whose public
career and tragic fate gave Immortality to the name of Abraham Lincoln!
The year 1864 had come. In November of that
year Mr. Lincoln had, the second time, been elected to the Presidency.
The civil
war was still in progress. General Grant was now at the head of the Union
armies. The rebel Government was still at Richmond.
But the general military
condition was such that the country began to see the beginning of the end of the
Rebellion.
The year had passed on into winter.
My
appointment to Hong Kong had just come to hand. I had to consider its
acceptance. The position was one that of all others I would particularly desire;
first, because of its importance as being one of the five great Consulates of
the United States; and, second--particularly because of my desire to visit and
have personal knowledge of that wonderful Empire and of its very peculiar
people, the seat
Page 227
of the world's oldest civilization, and whose history led us back to the infancy of the human race. And, although the oldest of Earth's Empires, it was a country and a race of which we had read and heard so much, and really knew so little, that I had long desired to know more; but had never dreamed of ever seeing it.
In consequence of my recent withdrawal from the State Journal, I was now unemployed, in perfect health, and could well afford to go. But, how about my family?--that was the grave question. I could not take them with me,--the ocean voyage was too great, and health too uncertain. My eldest son, Theodore, was in the army in the field, then Adjutant of the 7th Ohio Cavalry. My younger son, Arthur, was yet at school. My only daughter, Caradora, was just entering her school-girl days; her education must not be interrupted by years of absence in China. After full consideration of the subject and full discussion of the situation with my thoughtful and clear-minded wife, I concluded that I could not accept, and told her so.
But, as all the previous appointments had
been declined by letter, it was now considered my proper duty to go to
Washington, present my thanks in person to the President, explain to him the
circumstances, and decline acceptance. With that purpose in view I went to
Washington.
Before going, however, the dear wife had said
to me, that she had long known my interest in China by much reading, etc; that
now the opportunity was presented me to go there, though the separation would be
regrettable, she could wish for my sake that I might go: Said, she would look
after our daughter's education, and that Theodore would soon be home from the
army; and that she would carefully manage affairs so that I might go, if I so
could decide. But I replied, that I thought I had better not accept.
The day after my arrival at Washington I went
to the White House to see the President. I was met in the anteroom by Mr. John
Hay, then the President's private secretary, afterwards Minister to England, and
now in the Cabinet as Secretary of State. I had some acquaintance with him by
previous visits to Washington. Mr. Hay took my card, requested me to be seated
in the anteroom a few minutes, as the President was just then in conference with
some foreign diplomat. We sat and chatted for half-an-hour.
The door of the
President's room opened, and there came forth a personage bearing a plumed hat,
gorgeously epauletted, his dress blazing with gold lace. I fancied that my plain
civilian appearance would cut but small figure after such splendor!
Mr. Hay then entered with my card, in a
moment returned and said the President would now receive me. I went forward.
Mr.
Lincoln received me standing near the door, greeted me cordially, gave me a
hearty hand-shake, and almost led me forward towards the open wood-fire burning
in an open fire-place, and pointing me to a seat at one corner of a long,
green-cloth covered table, on which was piled what seemed a bushel of letters,
and seated himself at another
corner.
Our conversation was at first of a general
nature, then some matters about the war, and so on. I then tendered some
congratulations on his recent re-election to the Presidency, and spoke of the
concurring sentiment of the country in general, and of Ohio in particular.
To
this he remarked, that recently he had had some trouble with certain of our Ohio
people, especially with a Mr. Valandigham [sic] who had been arrested under
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military warrant for treasonable utterances in a public speech, "and
had been sent down among his friends beyond our Union Army lines."
To this I expressed the assurance that the
sentiment of all loyal Ohio people was heartily with him in that matter of
Valandigham. He smiled, and said it was always gratifying to find the people
sustaining him in those trying times, and hoped they would continue to do so
until our troubles would be over, and peace restored.
This opened the way to speak of my purpose in
calling: and I said, "Mr. President, speaking of Mr. Valandigham's exile
reminds me that I too have received your orders sending me abroad, and I am
curious to know what I have done that you would send me out of the
country."
The suggested idea evidently pleased him.
A
mirthful sparkle came into his eye, a genial smile lighted up his rugged
features, and turning full to me, with long finger uplifted as in admonition,
and speaking in tones of mock solemnity, he said--"I want you, sir--like
Mr. Valandigham,--to leave your country for your country's good!" I felt
myself very aptly answered, I laughed. So did he.
Then, speaking gravely, I said--"Yes,
Mr. President, I duly received the papers covering your appointment of me to the
Consulate at Hong Kong; and I have come to express to you my most hearty thanks
for previous favors of like kind shown me, and particularly for this last
appointment tendered me; and to beg your permission to decline it.".
He glanced at me an instant, then put his
hand quickly up covering his ear, and said--"I don't hear that: It is so
unusual for anybody to decline anything that I can't hear that."
I then expressed to him the great
satisfaction that such an official residence in China would afford me, because
of my desire to know something about that great Empire that books could not
teach us; and briefly explained to him the circumstances that hindered my
acceptance.
He then said:--"Now, let us talk
together in a neighborly way. I am not Mr. President--I am Mr. Lincoln.
We want
some competent, judicious man to go to Hong Kong. Something seems to be wrong
there. I am informed at the Treasury Department that from some cause our Chinese
trade at Hong Kong is in a demoralized--I may say, in a disorganized--condition.
But, from what cause, I am not informed. And it is the policy and purpose of the
Government as now administered, (he always used this phrase when speaking of
himself in that relation)--to promote by all proper means in our power the
growth of our Chinese trade,--nearly one-third of all the earth's population
live over there. And Hong Kong, though not exactly Chinese territory now, is,
nevertheless, one of the most important commercial ports in connection with the
Chinese and Asiatic trade. We are in some trouble just now, you know, with our
home affairs. But we are satisfied that the war cannot last much longer.
It will
soon be over. Grant has got Lee by the throat down there at Richmond, and it is
only a question of time how long he can struggle. And it can't be a very long
time. Should Grant succeed, as we believe he will, in capturing or dispersing
Lee's army, the end must come. For, as the Government is now advised, the rebel
authorities cannot put another army in the field; and the rebellion must
consequently perish from exhaustion--and the war is over.
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When that is accomplished, we shall have a
very large army of men to disband." Then I remarked--"Yes, Mr.
President, and, as you know, our British cousins and critics have said that when
we come to disband that immense army, the day of our greatest peril will
come."
At this remark, Mr. Lincoln looked up from
his thoughtful mood, smiled incredulously, and was silent for a moment; then
proceeded, saying--"Yes, I know: and what they say might be true of
European armies; but ours is not an army of mercenaries. Our soldiers are our
own people, our citizens, our neighbors. They volunteered to go and attend to
that little job down South, and when it is finished they will volunteer to quit
and go home."
I could but smile at Mr. Lincoln's quaint but
impressive way of putting it. He had been speaking in a quiet, gentle tone, as
if only communing with his own thoughts; and now continued in tone of
monologue,--"When the war is over and our soldiers are mustered out,
thousands of them will want employment. Many of them left good situations of
business employments; those places are, in many instances, now filled by others;
and other places may not readily be found. It is therefore the policy of the
Government as now administered to provide, so far as may be possible, full
employment for such of our soldiers as may need it or desire it. To that end, as
well as for other ends, it is the purpose of the Government as now administered
to prosecute with all possible dispatch the building of the Pacific railroad to
completion. This will afford employment to thousands of men.
Moreover, the
completion of that highway across the continent will be urged in order to
facilitate and expedite communication with our growing States on the Pacific
Slope. For, possibly, at some future time we may have another war with somebody,
and we would greatly need such a line of transit. Besides all that, it is
important that we unite the extremes of the country from the Atlantic to the
Pacific by closer ties of commercial interests and facilities for social
intercourse, thereby binding the Pacific Slope indissolubly to the Union."
Again, I remarked,--"Yes, Mr.
President;--I well remember that, at the outbreak of the war, there was great
anxiety in the public mind as to what course the Pacific Slope would take
touching secession."
Mr. Lincoln looked up full at me, hesitated a
moment, then said,-- speaking emphatically, almost solemnly--"Yes; secret
machinations had been set on foot there; and it will never be known until the
secret archives of the Government are read how near we came to losing the
Pacific Slope!"
Of course I knew not to what he particularly
referred. He said no more.
Then, resuming his tone of monologue and
looking steadily towards the fire, he continued:--"Of course, in the
convulsive upheaval of all the elements of popular and national excitement and
anxieties that must always attend civil wars, the deepest energies of the whole
nation are aroused, and are, for the time being, devoted to the demands of the
war. And among our American people such unusual energies, once aroused, cannot
be at once repressed. They will naturally, and of necessity, be directed to and
manifested in the affairs of private life. From this will proceed business
activities and enterprises of an unusually energetic character. So that, when
this war is actually ended
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and peace restored and our people have resumed their commercial and
industrial pursuits, there will be a period of production and prosperity
unexampled heretofore. And, it will be the policy of the Government as now
administered to promote that peaceful solution of our PRESENT troubles by all
suitable means; and will aim thereby to bring the people of all the several
sections into friendly business relations and harmonious cooperation; thus
strengthening the bonds of union through a community of industrial and
commercial interests. To this end, the opening of an all-rail highway across the
continent, uniting the Pacific Slope and looking out upon Asia, will be an
important factor. For we are determined, (looking now fully at me and speaking
emphatically), as the Government is now administered to make a strong strike
to bring a large proportion of the trade of Asia across this
continent,"--bringing his big bony fist down solidly on the table.
Then, continuing, he said--"Now, as I
have said, there seems to be some trouble with our Chinese business; and knowing
that you are a good organizer, I want you to go to Hong Kong, one of the focal
centres of Oriental commerce, and there re-organize our Chinese trade.
I don't
know what is to be done, nor how; because I don't know what is the matter.
That
will be for you to find out; and, then, for you to devise the remedy.
I may say, for your information, that you will have no one over you.
I can only commission you as Consul; but,
owing to the necessities of the case at Hong Kong, you will be charged with the
duties of Minister Resident as to that jurisdiction. And I am sorry that I
cannot give you either the honor or the emoluments of that office; as we cannot
well appoint more than one Minister to the same Government (smiling). And your
Minister will be at London, distant half around the globe. You will, however, as
due to your position, correspond direct with the State Department."
He ceased speaking. Then I remarked:--"I
thank you sincerely, Mr. President, for the information so kindly tendered.
And
allow me to say, Mr. President, that your full presentation of the matter places
it before me in a new aspect."
"I thought it would," he replied.
"I asked Governor Seward, (Secretary of State), the other day, if you had
come to see him yet; and told him that, when you came, I wanted to talk with
you. And I will say further, that I would consider your acceptance a favor.
Now,
go to Governor Seward. Tell him you have seen me, and what has been said.
He
will be able to give you more information than I can. Then come to see me
again."
Thanking him for according to me the honor of
this interview and for kind attentions, I rose to go, saying--"I fear, Mr.
President, that I have consumed more of your time than I should have done; for I
perceive (glancing at the pile of letters on his table) you have no small amount
of work before you."
He also looked at the pile, and with a kind
of tired smile, replied,--"Yes, that is a little foreign mail brought in
this morning that I suppose will have to be attended to." Then, bidding me
'good morning,' I left him.
The interesting nature of this conversation,
as well as Mr. Lincoln's impressiveness of manner, made such a deep impression
on my mind that it has remained so vividly before my recollection that I am able
to give it
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accurately, and much of it exactly in his own words. And what he
then said as in some measure prospective and prophetic has become actual and
historic in subsequent events.
From Mr. Lincoln I went directly to the State
Department, saw Governor Seward, told him what had passed, received from him
further information. He summoned to him the Chief Clerk of the Consular Bureau,
introduced us, and directed him to show me all records of the Hong Kong
Consulate. I spent two days at this. On the second day I happened to be seated
at dinner in the hotel next to a venreable [sic] looking gentleman, who,
during the meal turned to me--"This is Mr. Allen, I am informed."
I
said, "Yes, Sir." "You are newly appointed Consul at Hong Kong,
as I see by the papers," he remarked. I replied affirmatively; but that I
had not accepted as yet.
Then, giving me his name, he said--"I am
a retired sea-captain; have made many voyages to China; know Hong Kong well.
You
would find it a comfortable and interesting place. And if you have inclination
for the Foreign Service, I would advise you to accept."
Further conversation followed about China in
general and Hong Kong in particular. This kind of information as to details,
very kindly and intelligently communicated from one so accidentally thrown in my
way, had much influence with me; and that night, before going to sleep, I
had concluded to accept.
The next morning I called on Governor Seward
and told him of my acceptance.42 He expressed satisfaction, and
inquired--"How soon can you go? The situation at Hong Kong is such as to
require your presence there with all reasonable despatch."
I replied that
my preparations would be immediate. He commended this, and said--"You will
now receive your passport, and your salary will begin at once. Your Commission
will be issued on confirmation."
I had previously written to [John] Sherman,
then Senator, to defer confirmation of my nomination while under advisement as
to acceptance. I now went to the Senate Chamber. The Senate was in executive
session, doors closed. I penciled a note to Sherman on my card, and sent it in
by the Sergeant-at-arms. Sherman came out into the lobby.
I told him briefly of
my acceptance, and requested action on my confirmation. He returned to the
Senate; and in 30 minutes my appointment was unanimously confirmed.
The next day I called on Gov. Seward,
received my Commission and passport.43 But my Commission must needs be sent to
the U. S. Minister in London, to be presented to the British Prime Minister to
be countersigned as his exequator [sic]--thence to be forwarded to me at Hong
Kong. Bidding Gov. Seward 'good bye,' I went over to the White House to see Mr.
Lincoln, as he had directed me to do.
I was received by the President almost immediately, and informed him of my acceptance as he still held